Maestría Gobierno y Relaciones Internacionales

URI permanente para esta colecciónhttp://hdl.handle.net/11634/50990

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Construcción discursiva del desempleo en Riohacha como problema público: narrativas y respuesta institucional del nivel nacional y local (2022–2024)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-07-06) Rodríguez Orozco, María José; Espinel Torres, Yeilor Rafael; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001217151; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0002513602; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=UkdKlsUAAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8467-8465
This article examines unemployment in Riohacha as a public problem whose definition, interpretation, and institutional projection are discursively constructed across different levels of the state. In a city characterized by territorial inequality, labor informality, and a historically peripheral condition, unemployment circulates not only as a statistical indicator but also as an object of public communication, institutional narratives, and discursive strategies that shape how the issue is understood and how responses to it are projected by different levels of government. The research is guided by the following question: How do the national government (the Presidency and the Ministry of Labor) and Riohacha’s local institutions (the Mayor’s Office and the Secretariat of Economic Development) discursively construct unemployment as a public problem and institutionally project their responses to it during the 2022–2024 period? Adopting a qualitative methodological approach and a case study design, the analysis draws on content analysis and discourse analysis techniques, grounded in the theoretical framework of Pierre Bourdieu, as well as contributions from framing theory and studies on the public sphere and institutional legitimacy. The study identifies the principal frames through which unemployment is represented at both the national and local levels and highlights differences, gaps, and disconnections in the ways these two levels communicate the phenomenon.
Sustitución constitucional: control judicial de las reformas constitucionales en Colombia.
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-07-08) Szenfeld Pabon, David Stevan; Carreño Dueñas, Dalia; Universidad Santo Tomás
This research focused on the issue of the scope of judicial review in constitutional amendments in Colombia and its implications for democratic governance, viewed through the lens of the tension between the democratic principle and constitutional supremacy. The objective was to analyze the judicial review exercised by the Constitutional Court in Colombia and its impact on defining the limits of the power to amend the Constitution considering the relationships among the branches of government. The methodology used to conduct the research was a qualitative approach and a doctrinal legal design, involving jurisprudential analysis and a review of primary and secondary sources. As a result, it was found that there has been an evolution regarding substantive and formal control, which has been consolidated through the doctrine of constitutional substitution, in which certain substantive limits on the constituent power derived from the Constitution itself have been established; it was identified that this has an impact on institutional balance and political dynamics. Based on the research process, it is concluded that judicial review is an indispensable mechanism for protecting the constitutional order; however, it has generated tensions, requiring a balance that ensures democratic governance.
Factores que han influido en la participación de las mujeres a cargos de elección popular en el municipio de Villagómez durante el período 2011-2023.
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-07-14) Moreno Bertoletti, Mary Luz; Olaya Flórez, Jefree Alfonso; Jaramillo Ferro, Jhon Edier; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=3b1QZFoAAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1491-1230
This study analyzes the social, cultural, and political factors that have influenced women’s participation in elected office in the municipality of Villagómez during the 2011–2023 period. The study employed a qualitative approach with a descriptive-exploratory focus and a phenomenological design, utilizing semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. The analysis indicated that, despite some regulatory and institutional advances that facilitate women’s participation, implementation at the local level is hindered by partisan practices, patriarchal culture, and low social support for women leaders. Analysis of the results revealed that, although women have entered community, associative, and electoral spheres, they still face barriers related to machismo, gender-based political violence, a lack of party support, and unequal access to resources and opportunities. It is believed that in Villagómez, women’s political citizenship must be strengthened through greater institutional engagement, political training, organizational support, and efforts to reshape social perceptions in order to move toward more equitable conditions of representation.
Paz total y representaciones de paz en las mujeres de Tibú (2022–2025)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-06-26) Ardila Castillo, Paula Yulisa; Magallanes Montoya, Marcela Julieth; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001546346; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000079464; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=W_-HKK4AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0009-0006-6847-1505
This research aims to analyze the representations of peace among women in Tibú, Norte de Santander, within the framework of the Total Peace Policy (2022–2025). Tibú has historically been one of the territories most affected by the armed conflict in Colombia, where women have disproportionately experienced gender-based violence, forced displacement, and the fragmentation of their communities. The study is based on the premise that women are not only victims of the conflict but also active political agents whose narratives and experiences are essential to peacebuilding processes. The research is grounded in the historical-hermeneutic paradigm and adopts a qualitative, descriptive-comprehensive approach. Intersectionality is employed as the main analytical framework to understand how ethnic, economic, and territorial conditions shape differentiated experiences of resistance. Data collection is carried out through narrative and participatory techniques, including documentary analysis, focus groups, semi-structured interviews, and storytelling. The study seeks to move beyond traditional understandings of peace centered on agreements with armed actors, highlighting peace as a relational process that involves healing the social fabric and transforming structural forms of violence. The findings reveal that women continue to be marginalized and subjected to multiple forms of vulnerability, reflecting a significant gap between state actions and territorial realities.
Gobernar la escasez: respuestas de las ciudades de São Paulo y Ciudad del Cabo a crisis hídricas y una aproximación al caso de Bogotá
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-06-26) Barrios Tavera, Camilo Andrés; Moreno Durán, Álvaro Hernán; Universidad Santo Tómas; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000155870; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=PbqpKn4AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7124-5505
This article comparatively evaluates institutional responses to urban water crises in São Paulo (2014–2015) and Cape Town (2017–2018) in order to identify how cities respond to such events and to establish a dialogue with the recent experience of Bogotá. Based on an analytical framework centered on three dimensions—the administrative nature of the operator, institutional incentives, and political accountability—the article explores how different governance arrangements shape the capacity to respond to scarcity. Through this analytical approach, we demonstrate that effective management does not depend solely on whether the provider is public or private, but rather on the institutional capacity to align incentives, coordinate actors, and maintain political legitimacy. The article also shows that cities confront these crises with a limited set of tools, whose differences lie primarily in their sequencing and institutional legitimation. It concludes that governing scarcity is, above all, a matter of state capacity and governance, rather than organizational design or exclusively technical solutions.
Alcance del principio de nación más favorecida de la OMC en el TLC Colombia–Estados Unidos frente a medidas unilaterales del incremento de arancel a productos agroindustriales
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-07-08) González Rojas, Karen Lorena; Universidad Santo Tomas; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001926563
This article analyzes the relationship between the principles of the World Trade Organization (WTO), specifically the Most Favored Nation principle, and the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Colombia and the United States, focusing on its unilateral tariff measures. The central question of the study is: What is the scope of the WTO's Most Favored Nation principle and its implementation in the Colombia-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) regarding unilateral tariff increases on agro-industrial products? This analysis examines the scope of the WTO's Most Favored Nation principle and its implementation in the Colombia-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) regarding unilateral tariff increases on agro-industrial products. The research project recognizes that the WTO constitutes one of the pillars of global governance, establishing principles such as Most Favored Nation (MFN) and National Treatment, designed to prevent discriminatory practices and guarantee stability in international trade. Over the years, a resurgence of trade unilateralism by the United States has been observed, generating trade tensions with developing countries such as Colombia. This raises questions about the true scope of multilateral rules and the effectiveness of free trade agreements (FTAs) as a mechanism for legal and economic protection. This paper analyzes the tensions between WTO principles, particularly MFN, through a study of the Free Trade Agreement between Colombia and the United States. From a global governance perspective, it examines how, despite the existence of a regulatory framework aimed at guaranteeing common rules, power dynamics persist in practice, conditioning its application. In this context, the increase in tariffs by the United States highlights the limitations of the multilateral system and the tensions between international commitments and state decisions, as well as the asymmetrical nature of the bilateral agreement, whose effects fall more intensely on developing economies such as Colombia's; in conclusion, in the face of unilateral measures by the United States as a world power, the reach of the most favored nation is limited given the asymmetries that exist in the trade system.
La disputa política de los afectos: Construcción, circulación y efectos de narrativas desinformativas verificadas por colombiacheck durante la campaña presidencial colombiana 2021-2022
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-04-20) Ramírez Tamayo , Jhonnathan; Cárdenas Rodríguez, Nasly Roció; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000124427; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=d_yXRT8AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2748-7763
This study analyzes the construction, circulation, and affective effects of disinformation narratives verified by Colombiacheck during the Colombian presidential campaign (October 2021 - June 2022). Through directed categorical content analysis applied to 140 cases, three dimensions are examined: discursive, circulatory, and affective. Results reveal that electoral disinformation operates under a logic of strategic efficiency, with predominantly citizen-based production, low technical complexity but high replicability formats, and prevalence of impostor content as a deception technique that impersonates legitimate institutional sources. Circulation shows a hybrid architecture where digital micro-communities function as primary resonance nodes, amplified by actors with public authority. In the affective dimension, anger emerges as the dominant emotion, primarily articulated with objectives of institutional legitimacy erosion and rejection mobilization toward opposing candidates. The study confirms that disinformation instrumentalizes political affects to produce specific behavioral effects, transforming electoral competition into an emotional dispute where affects become valuable political resources to undermine trust and orient allegiances.
La lucha por el relato: Medios visuales, estado y desinformación en Colombia
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-04-20) Guerra Gutiérrez, Jorge Luis; , Álvaro Hernán; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0000155870; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=PbqpKn4AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7124-5505
This article delves into one of the most complex challenges facing contemporary democracy in Colombia: the management of informative or misleading narratives by the State in a context of profound social and media polarization throughout the country. Focusing on a specific timeframe —the administrations of Iván Duque (2018–2022) and Gustavo Petro (2022–2024)— the study examines how each government, with its distinct ideological leanings, communicative styles, and relationships with television media, responded to the growing spread of deceptive, manipulated, or blatantly false narratives within visual media—both public and private television. This arena, where moving images and words combine, has become central to the construction and contestation of meaning in public opinion, ultimately shaping the governance of each presidential term. The analysis centers on the methods and strategies employed by state institutions either to confront or exacerbate this phenomenon, exploring how such interventions have influenced not only the flow of information but also the public’s perception of truth, the metrics of official actions, the legitimacy of power, and the role of the media as either guardians of democracy or instruments of propaganda. Using a qualitative methodology that integrates the analysis of official discourses, regulatory frameworks, audiovisual content, and emblematic media cases, the article reconstructs the tensions between governmental communication, the right to information, and freedom of expression in Colombian television. The study reveals that although both administrations acknowledged the problem of disinformation and took steps to address it, their approaches were markedly different—guided by logics of confrontation, co-optation, or institutionalization of public discourse. In some instances, these actions sparked legitimate debates about the State’s responsibility in the face of informational chaos; in others, they gave rise to controversies around the risks of censorship, narrative manipulation, and the erosion of trust in long-standing democratic institutions. Rather than offering a definitive answer, this work aims to raise urgent questions about the fragile balance between governability, non-manipulated governance, communication, and truth in the construction of public narratives—especially in an era where what is seen and heard can either clarify or obscure reality.
Incidencia de la violencia cultural y estructural en Antioquia (2022–2025) sobre la futura implementación de la ley 2447 de 2025 “son niñas, no esposas”.
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-02-10) Suárez Cifuentes, Indhira Alejandra; Arenas Piedrahita, Angie Julieth; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001504816; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=DuvcsxYAAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4054-6417
This study analyzes how cultural and structural violence factors present between 2022 and 2025 in the department of Antioquia will affect the future implementation of Law 2447 of 2025. Qualitative research is conducted, with an explanatory and descriptive scope. In this way, an analysis is made of historical, legal, and social processes, mainly in the contexts of the department under study. The proposed methodology for this research is document analysis, testimonial analysis, and semi-structured interviews. This is accompanied by a review of quantitative data and databases. The analysis concludes that the main challenge to implementing Law 2447 is not the legal framework, but rather the deep interaction between structural and cultural violence, which acts as an entrenched barrier. Eradicating this phenomenon in the department of Antioquia requires multisectoral interventions, sustained cultural transformation, political will, and budgetary allocation, as the law alone is insufficient to bring about lasting change. Analysis of the phenomenon's behavior between 2022 and 2025 in the department shows an improvement in the first year, but thereafter a persistent upward trend continues. For this reason, the approval of this law and the analysis of the incidence of structural and cultural violence factors that generate repercussions are very beneficial.
Análisis sobre la aplicación de las disposiciones del derecho internacional para la coordinación de esfuerzos entre estados en materia de asilo diplomático: Caso de estudio Ecuador – México, 2024.
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-02-10) Davila Arguello, Carlos David; Ballesteros Moreno, María Constanza; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001562809; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0002209137; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3147-7488
Ecuador and Mexico have historically maintained excellent bilateral relations; however, these were strained by the Ecuadorian government's incursion into the Mexican embassy in Quito in 2024. This action was taken to apprehend former Ecuadorian President Jorge Glas, convicted in the Odebrecht case and wanted again by Ecuadorian authorities. Glas had received diplomatic asylum from the Mexican government while inside the embassy in Quito. This incident impacted the international relations between these nations, as the inviolability of embassies and diplomatic missions is a fundamental principle of international law. This incursion set a precedent in the region, prompting an analysis of the granting of asylum and the violation of international instruments in cases of entry into diplomatic premises. This unprecedented event in Latin America is of paramount importance. Based on what has transpired, it is worth asking: What are the possible solutions to this conflict in the area of International Relations and Diplomacy, regarding the issue of diplomatic asylum and the apprehension of a person wanted by the justice system, in the Ecuador-Mexico case of 2024? The methodology used in this article is qualitative, as it seeks to understand the root causes of the problem and, through analysis of the issues, obtain results that help improve and resolve the diplomatic and international relations crisis between Ecuador and Mexico.
Más allá de la curul: Factores que impulsan el acceso y desafían la representación política de las mujeres en Bogotá (2022-2026)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026) Danna Alejandra Rojas Rincón, Danna Alejandra Rojas Rincón; Universidad Santo Tomás
This article examines the political and social factors that influenced women’s access to seats in the Chamber of Representatives for Bogotá and how this presence has been reflected in legislative performance during the 2022–2026 term. Using a qualitative, hermeneutic and interpretive approach based on documentary review including legislation and court decisions (Law 581/2000; Law 1475/2011; Ruling C-371/2000), legislative databases and reports from MOE, UN Women and Sisma Mujer the study analyzes the trajectories and legislative production of Bogotá’s ten women representatives. Findings indicate that affirmative actions were necessary and effective in producing a notable quantitative increase (10 of 18 seats), and that these representatives have advanced significant agendas in gender, human rights, peace and social policy. However, substantive equality remains incomplete due to barriers to access key committee positions, unequal campaign financing and party networks, and political violence against women. The study concludes that parity achieved expanded access, but institutional and cultural reforms (campaign finance mechanisms, internal party rules, anti-violence protocols) are required to convert representation into real power.
Implementación de la ley 1979 de 2019 y bienestar integral de los veteranos de la fuerza pública en Colombia (2020–2024)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-02-10) Valenzuela Pinzón, Yonnatan; Ruiz Robles, Adis; Sanchez Giraldo, Cristhian Fernando; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001620953; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2543-0691
This research analyzes the implementation of Law 1979 of 2019, the Veterans’ Law, and its effect on the comprehensive well-being of veterans of the Public Forces in Colombia between 2020 and 2024. The research stems from the need to analyze the gap between the legal recognition of veterans as subjects of special protection and the actual provision of the benefits enshrined in law. From a theoretical perspective grounded in governance, public policy, and comprehensive well-being approaches, the interinstitutional and multilevel articulation of policy is addressed. Methodologically, the research is based on a descriptive-analytical qualitative approach. This methodology relies on a document review and the analysis of results from an instrument administered to accredited, in-process, and non-accredited veterans. The results show significant institutional advances, such as the Single Veterans Registry and the Vice-Ministry for Veterans. However, they also highlight considerable limitations in the access, coverage, timeliness, and relevance of benefits, especially in the areas of education, employment, and housing. It is concluded that the policy requires strengthened interinstitutional governance, regulatory adjustments, and budgetary sustainability to ensure comprehensive well-being that is effective and equitable.
Ecos del estallido social en Bogotá: trayectorias y contextos sociales de jóvenes participantes en 2021
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-01-20) Mora Sanabria, Wilmar; Cortés, Julián; Universidad Santo Tomás
This article analyzes how the life course and social context of young people who actively participated in the 2021 social uprising in Bogotá were transformed, drawing on the life-course approach and on Johan Galtung’s concept of positive peace and Oliver Richmond’s framework of emancipatory peace. The objective was to understand how this event functioned as a turning point that reconfigured the participants’ personal and collective projects, and how processes of resistance and memory emerged to keep alive an emancipatory aspiration oriented toward structural social change. Methodologically, this study employed a qualitative and interpretive case-study design based on three semi-structured interviews with young people who were actively involved in the protests, complemented by a literature review and analytical triangulation. The findings reveal that their prior life trajectories were shaped by structural inequalities, labor precariousness, educational exclusion, and historical forms of violence—conditions that gave meaning to their engagement in the mobilization. During the uprising, the youth built networks of care, affection, and resistance, expressing forms of grassroots political agency aligned with the notion of emancipatory peace. Likewise, the analysis shows that the protest generated new identities, leadership roles, and community-based initiatives, but also left profound marks, including grief, persecution, collective fragmentation, and emotional exhaustion. In conclusion, the social uprising in Bogotá was not only an expression of resistance against structural violence, but also a biographical event that transformed the life course of participating youth, shaping a generation that is more politically conscious and critical, yet simultaneously wounded, precarized, and disenchanted in the face of enduring inequalities that motivated the protest. These results call for rethinking youth public policy through structural, memory-centered, and bottom-up peacebuilding approaches.
La respuesta institucional del estado colombiano frente a la trata digital de niños, niñas y adolescentes (2021-2024): Análisis del caso TikTok
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-01-21) Ortega Serrano, Angela María; Jara Gutiérrez, Celena Daniela; Magallanes Montoya, Marcela Julieth; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001546346; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=W_-HKK4AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0009-0006-6847-1505
This monograph examines the relationship between the trafficking of children and adolescents in digital environments and the institutional response of the Colombian State to the use of TikTok during the 2021–2024 period. Using an approach that integrates technology, risk, and digital governance, the study analyzes how social media dynamics create new forms of vulnerability that require state responses adapted to their algorithmic logic. Methodologically, the research is based on a documentary review, a comparative institutional analysis, and the examination of information obtained through right-of-petition requests, official reports, and specialized literature on child protection and digital management. The findings reveal consistent patterns of digital grooming, persistent underreporting, technological limitations, and inter-institutional coordination barriers that affect prevention, detection, and prosecution efforts. The study concludes that, although Colombia has a robust legal framework, it faces structural and operational challenges in addressing phenomena that evolve more rapidly than the State’s regulatory and monitoring mechanisms. Overall, the research provides insights to strengthen digital governance, improve cooperation with technology platforms, and consolidate public policies aimed at protecting minors in virtual environments.
Análisis de implementación de mecanismos de participación ciudadana digital en Bogotá durante la administración de Claudia López (2020-2023)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-01-21) Cervantes González, Federico; Espinel Torres , Yeilor Rafael; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001217151; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=UkdKlsUAAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8467-8465
This article examines the implementation and effectiveness of Bogotá’s digital citizen participation mechanisms during the administration of Mayor Claudia López (2020–2023), a period characterized by substantial progress in digital transformation and an updated regulatory framework through Decree 767 of 2022. The main objective is to assess the extent to which tools such as “Bogotá Participa”, “Bogotá Te Escucha,” digital participatory budgeting, and hybrid participation programs have fostered inclusion, citizen engagement, and meaningful influence in public decision-making processes. The study seeks to determine whether these mechanisms constitute substantive democratic advancements or whether their impact remains constrained by structural limitations.
Análisis de la implementación de la política pública de envejecimiento y vejez en Sogamoso-Boyacá, en el periodo (2018-2023)
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-01-21) Becerra Velandia, David Bernardo; , Yamid Gabriel; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001682947; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0002202027; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=rbI2F40AAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5921-284X
The implementation of the Public Policy on Aging and Old Age in Sogamoso during the 2018–2023 period represents a crucial setting for understanding how local institutions, citizens, and the rules that shape collective action interact in practice. This article examines that process using Elinor Ostrom’s Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, considering the advances, limitations, and institutional dynamics that have influenced the operationalization of this policy at the municipal level. The study employed a qualitative approach based on an extensive review of municipal agreements, management reports, DANE data, and sectoral documents, complemented by semi-structured interviews with institutional actors and program beneficiaries. The methodological strategy focused on analyzing the “action situations” defined within the policy particularly those related to resource allocation, service provision, citizen participation, and institutional co-responsibility to identify how formal and informal rules operate in shaping implementation. The findings reveal an institutional structure that has enabled significant progress in program coverage and service delivery, yet continues to face tensions stemming from budget constraints, reliance on the “Estampilla Pro-Adulto Mayor” levy, and weaknesses in coordination mechanisms. The analysis also shows that interactions between citizens and institutions are characterized by participation practices that tend to be more reactive than deliberative, limiting the policy’s transformative potential. In conclusion, the implementation process demonstrates notable advances but also persistent structural challenges that require regulatory adjustments, greater financial sustainability, and strengthened local capacities to consolidate a comprehensive and sustainable model of care for older adults in the municipality.
Lecciones comparadas de la pobreza multidimensional: Análisis de las experiencias de México y Chile para enriquecer la estrategia de medición en Colombia
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026-01-20) Lopez Mora, Julian Alfonso; Henao Osorio, Oscar Alberto; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001585632; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6801-4466
This article presents a comparative analysis of the multidimensional poverty measurement models implemented in Mexico, Chile, and Colombia, aiming to identify lessons to strengthen Colombia’s Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI). Drawing on Sen and Nussbaum’s capability approach, the Alkire-Foster method, and governance theory, the study examines how each country defines dimensions, deprivation thresholds, weighting schemes, data sources, and institutional review mechanisms. Methodologically, the research adopts a comparative case study design based on documentary review and qualitative analysis of institutional arrangements, normative frameworks, and participatory processes. The findings reveal three distinct models: Mexico has developed a legally binding MPI grounded in social rights and managed by an autonomous institution; Chile has introduced an innovative design incorporating relational dimensions, a life-course perspective, and broad deliberative participation; while Colombia maintains a technically consistent but infrequently updated model with limited participation and weak institutionalization. The study concludes that Colombia must enhance participatory governance, periodically revise dimensions and data sources, and incorporate emerging capabilities to ensure that its MPI remains relevant, legitimate, and effective in guiding social policy. Strengthening institutional mechanisms and broadening public deliberation are identified as essential steps for adapting the index to contemporary social, demographic, and technological changes.
"Estructura de la administración propia del resguardo de Ipiales vs el modelo de administración pública municipal: coincidencias, tensiones y oportunidades de articulación"
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2026) Mueses Usamag, Jhonatan Alberto; Universidad Santo Tomás
This study analyzes the coincidences, tensions, and opportunities for articulation between the self-governance administrative structure of the Resguardo of Ipiales and the municipal public administration model, with the aim of strengthening Indigenous governance and interinstitutional coordination in the territory. A qualitative approach with an ethnographic and cultural studies design was adopted, grounded in situated research and the recognition of the Indigenous worldview as a basis for understanding governance practices. The descriptive-comparative method made it possible to characterize and contrast both administrative systems, identifying similarities, differences, and potential pathways for articulation. Data were collected through semi structured interviews, participant observation in community settings, and document review. The sample was intentional and included authorities from the resguardo and municipal officials with experience in interinstitutional coordination processes. The findings show that both the Indigenous government and the municipal administration possess solid organizational structures, although they respond to distinct political and epistemological logics: while the resguardo is grounded in collectivity, relationality, and spirituality, the municipal model operates under a bureaucratic and normative rationality. These differences generate tensions when they are not recognized as legitimate and equivalent forms of governance; however, they also open opportunities when practices of dialogue, prior consultation, and mutual recognition are present. The study concludes that intercultural articulation does not depend solely on procedural adjustments, but on transforming the relationships between both governance systems toward horizons of epistemic equality and respect for Indigenous autonomy. In this way, it is possible to advance toward a plural governance model that strengthens cooperation and builds more symmetrical relations between the State and Indigenous authorities.
Políticas públicas sustitución cultivos ilícitos gobierno Juan Manuel Santos Calderón departamento Cauca
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2025-08-20) Angel Rodriguez, Santiago Rafael; Jaramillo Ferro, Jhon Edier; Universidad Santo Tomás; https://scienti.minciencias.gov.co/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001550312; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=3b1QZFoAAAAJ&hl=es&oi=ao; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1491-1230
The internal armed conflict in Colombia has been characterized by the development of multiple opposing forces vying for territorial control of territories considered strategic for the transit of combatants and the dynamics of illegal economies, such as the trafficking of war supplies and materials and, above all, illicit crops. This conflict, which dates back to the 1950s, has been transformed by new practices such as extortion, drug trafficking, and the diversification of armed actors, primarily in rural areas. In this context, understanding the armed conflict in Colombia requires a territorial perspective that recognizes the country's geographic, historical, and sociopolitical diversity. In the case of the department of Cauca, which is part of the PDET subregion known as southern Cauca and the department of Nariño, the dynamics of the war have significantly impacted indigenous, Afro-Colombian, and peasant communities, who have been involved in processes of instrumentalization and adaptation to illicit crops. The imposition of illegal economies by armed groups, confinement, and threats have been used as a form of coercion against the civilian population.
Aportes del Sistema Interamercano en la configuración de un modelo de gobernanza global.
(Universidad Santo Tomás, 2025-09-18) Díaz Holguín, Jenifer Paola; Gonzalez, Milena; Universidad Santo Tomás
This paper analyzes the transformative role of Article 2 of the American Convention on Human Rights in shaping a regional governance model in Latin America. Through a qualitative approach, based on a theoretical review of global constitutionalism and a jurisprudential analysis of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, it demonstrates that this provision has been interpreted as a binding mandate requiring State parties to reform their domestic legal frameworks to ensure a core set of rights enshrined in the American Convention. Common patterns are identified in the Court’s rulings that order structural reforms in areas such as freedom of expression, political rights, personal integrity, and the protection of vulnerable populations. These rights, grounded in universal principles and the global public interest, constitute a shared normative heritage that is not subject to state discretion. In this context, the Inter-American System functions as a mechanism of legal integration and regional governance, consolidating a shared legal order across the hemisphere.

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